Monday, February 14, 2011

Cervix Is High And Hard Could I Still Be Pregnant

How to support this young and still fragile revolution? We must first protect

Revolution Tunisia is an extraordinary novelty in region. It is modern, mixed, democratic, secular, its slogans borrowed from the register of universal principles of freedom and equality. In this it resembles no movements experienced by the Arab world during the last half century. But new does not mean without story. Even before colonization, the question of modernity was raised by his intellectual and political elites, who laid the groundwork for a national state autonomy. From the early twentieth century e , the question of the status of women is being debated. And the Bourguiba regime, for it was authoritarian, anchored some basic principles of modernity in the laws and social practices. The regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali failed in 23 years to completely deconstruct the past. Detribalized, urbanized, educated, Tunisian society carries within it the memory. His revolution is innovative because it is the inheritor of a real history, not myths elsewhere it would founder.
But it took more than fifty years to free itself from its backwardness that characterizes the exercise of power since independence. Seduced at first, for the most part, the project Bourguiba company, has agreed to postpone the requirement for democracy. From 1987 she has mostly accepted the unwritten contract that offered him his successor: strengthening the middle class and the entry into the consumer society and political cons infantilization delaying their access to citizenship. But the regime that fell on Jan. 14 has not fulfilled its part of the contract. Indeed, the country has moved from authoritarian state to police state in the true sense of the term, ie not governed by the political body but by his police. In a country where the concept of the rule makes sense for some two centuries it was privatized for the benefit of a handful of looters.
Since 2008, an acceleration of history has lead to the downfall of the regime. Sure of its strength and its durability, it was not felt necessary to meet the social frustrations arising from the global crisis that has severely affected an economy heavily dependent on outgoing Western markets. Instead, predation and nepotism have accelerated, exacerbating inequalities within a society rather accustomed to the culture of a certain social consensus. Marginalized by the economic choice of extraversion, regions home have felt abandoned. The revolt of the mining area of Gafsa-Redeyef in 2008 has not been heard by a power that no autistic responded that through increased repression. The ban on all areas of self expression, which eventually reach the social networking internet become the only outlets of a youth eager to be part of the world have boosted the revolt of the latter.
Parallel to this rise of popular despair and exasperation of a part of growing middle class and intellectual elites, clans familale prepared the succession of the Head of State to monopolize all power. In August 2010, less than a year after the "elections" Presidential in October 2009, the call to Ben Ali by a significant number of devotees to stand in 2014, somehow, sounded the death knell of the regime. The Tunisians, in fact, felt permanently trapped. This power would it not end? After Ben Ali, Trabelsi? By dint of having all doors locked, the regime has forced the Tunisian press release to all. The frustrations, the total absence of horizon, favored a novel class alliance: the uprising quickly spread to all sectors of society, because all had now lost in the perpetuation of the regime. Thus the collective memory of the long history and recent history have combined to result in claims which have in common the desire of an entire nation and its youth access to citizenship.
What is fascinating about the Tunisian insurgency is its universal character. It is indeed in itself all those that preceded it: the anti-fascist captains from Portugal in 1974, revolt against totalitarianism Polish Solidarnosc, and more. The West must understand that today is a groundswell like they once cheered held south of the Mediterranean. They have a duty to engage with him, otherwise they would betray their principles once more. Time is no longer the casual vis-à-vis what is happening on the other side of the common sea.
How to support this young and still fragile revolution? It must first be protected. Tunisia democratic begins to build in a perilous environment evolves. Despotic regimes, monarchical or military, who will surround everything to destabilize tremble because of its contagion. We know the capacity of a nuisance Muammar Gaddafi , viscerally hostile to the Tunisian movement of emancipation. The European Union (EU) should make it clear to their Arab partners they are alongside the new Tunisia and that any attempt of destabilization would affect their relationships.
Another area in which they are involved is that of the economy. Tunisia is a country annuitant. He must work in order to satisfy the social aspirations of its people. It should first reassure investors and tourists who flock annually on its beaches. No, democracy is not dangerous. Instead, by dismantling the system of predation which blights the economy for over two decades, it helps to clean it up. Western governments have a duty to convey this message to their investors, as well as international financial institutions and rating agencies locked in the false syllogism of viewing authoritarian regimes and a guarantee of stability in their legitimate protest a danger of anarchy.
Today the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), the EU should come to the aid of Tunisian transition by giving the country time to build new institutions and new leaders. When Greece, Spain, Portugal, Eastern Europe, people have shaken off the yoke of dictatorship, Europe took them out of business. Next is the south shore of the Mediterranean to be helped now. These should be the new paradigm of intelligent political neighborhood. Europe can very quickly use the tools at its disposal to implement its support. Brussels had better read his relations with the Arab world through the prism of what is happening today in Tunis.
Finally, on the domestic front, it is necessary to remove some misunderstandings. One begins to understand that the disorder develops. Yes, too long a period of confusion is likely to weaken the transition. But has anyone ever seen a revolution ordered? The Tunisian is surprisingly wise in his conduct and its claims.

P ar Belhassen, FIDH President, Sophie Bessis, Deputy Secretary General of the FIDH, and Khedija Cherif, Secretary General of FIDH
From an article published in Le World
http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2011/01/31/aider-la-transition-democratique_1473223_3232.html

0 comments:

Post a Comment